We of parliamentary democracy. The year 2017We of parliamentary democracy. The year 2017

We as a republic
nation completed 68years of parliamentary democracy. The year 2017 notifies the
hundredth anniversary of revolution in Russia. 
It is one of the important historical events in the modern political
upheavals. Under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin the Bolshevik party has
assumed political power ending tsarist autocratic rule. The insurrection in Russia
has shown that the revolutionary ideology of Marx and Engels can be applied to
any nation in the world to establish socialist democracy. It laid foundation
for the first communist state by the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ and
formed local governments known as ‘soviets’. The application of revolutionary
methods to the backward society like Russia, where slavery and exploitation of
the peasants, working class people have become the tradition is itself a
remarkable achievement.

The Russian
Revolution has pushed liberal values such as equality, justice as universal conditionality’s for the
establishment of humane society. Yet all said is not the entire history of the Russian
revolution; it does have limitations. The lives of people has not been taken
cognizance especially the violent methods of revolution. It also
institutionalised the monopoly of violent means of revolution over the
constitutional methods of bringing social and political changes in the country.
The outbreak of civil war aftermath of the October revolution in Russia testifies
these observations and this has created a base for the spread of international
communism. The central tenet of the revolution that emerged is ‘land to the

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The revolutions
in Cambodia, China, Columbia, Cuba and Vietnam provide ample evidences of the
expansion of communism across the globe. Inspired by these international
developments, in India the Communist Party of India has got established in 1920
immediately after the Second
World Congress of the Communist Third International. M.N.Roy was the main
organiser of the party. The main centres of the party activities are Bombay,
Calcutta, Madras and Kanpur. The Marxist-Leninist politics in India was pursued
by the activists such as Muzaffar Ahmad, S. A. Dange, Singaravelu Chettier and
others. The colonial government has not allowed the CPI party to extend their
activities to the other parts of the country.

The poor
socio-economic conditions of peasants, landless labourers in the Tebhaga region
of West Bengal and Telangana region of the erstwhile princely State of
Hyderabad coincides with the conditions of the serfs in pre-Russian era. The deshmukhs, doras and jotedars subjected the poor peasants to
insubordination and exploited by all means. The Andhra Mahasabha (erstwhile Andhra Janasangham) and the Kisan Sabha (peasant organisation of
CPI) has inspired by the Russian Revolution and determined to carry out an agrarian
insurrection in Bengal and Telangana regions during 1946-51. The insurrections
were suppressed by the then newly borne independent government of India through
heavy military actions resulting in mass killings of peasant and other weaker
sections of the society especially in Telangana region.

To illustrate
the height of loss of people lives to quote “We can say at a very conservative
estimate that in the whole state at least 27 thousand to 40 thousand people
lost their lives during and after the police action” as documented by Sunderlal
report in 1948.  This signifies the role
of military, violence in the evolution of the modern democratic republic of
India. The unresolved agrarian issues, failure of land reforms and ineffective
implementation of land ceiling Acts has resurrected the agrarian issues to the
centre after two decades in 1967 in the form of Naxalbari Uprisings.

The Naxalbari
Uprisings has critiqued the capitalistic mode of development adopted by the
Indian government. The split in the CPI has made different factions broadly two
categories; one is revisionism forming the first non-Congress government in
West Bengal in 1967. Another one opted for revolutionary method. Charu Mazumdar
through ‘historic eight documents’ has called for ‘people’s protracted war’
hoping to replicate the Chinese mode of agrarian revolution. The incident of
Naxalbari uprisings has attracted the attention of not only India but also
China. The Editorial by People’s Daily of Beijing popularly called it as ‘spring thunder over India’ on July 5th
of 1967.

The agrarian
upheavals soon spread to Bihar (now Jharkhand), agency areas of Andhra Pradesh
(including Telangana State now) leading to Srikakulam Peasant Uprisings of
1967-70 under the leadership of Vempatapu Satyananarayana and Adhibatla
Kailasam. On one side the movement was led by Charu Mazumdar forms Communist
Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in 1969 and the People’s War Group (PWG)
under the leadership of Kondapalli Seetharamaiah and Dr. Kolluri Chiranjeevi in
1980. The goal of PWG is “uplifting the downtrodden tribal people who are
considered the lowest rungs of Indian society.”  The revolution didn’t take place in West
Bengal and the Andhra Pradesh government has formed special Grey Hounds police
force to fight with the people’s guerrilla forces in 1989. 

To sustain the
revolutionary movement in India, the organisation has been divided into several
categories. In this process one group has focused on a Bastar region of
Chhattisgarh State and backward districts of Odisha State. The extreme
backwardness coupled with deep forests, highly adivasis population, low
literacy and high exploitation are some of the contributive factors that has
given a social base for the revolutionaries to carry out the politics of
insurrection in Central India. The continued neglect of agrarian reforms,
neo-liberal economic reforms, industrialisation, mining and imported model of
development in post 1990s have supplemented the fertile ground for the agrarian
insurrection. Currently, the insurrection is active in ten states. Rather than
addressing the root causes of insurrection the Union and State governments
perceive the causative factors of insurrection as law and order or security

Augmented by the national and
international developments the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People’s War
(People’s War Group), and the Maoist Communist
Centre of India (MCCI) has come together to form the Communist
Party of India (Maoist) in 2004. According to the Global Attack Index, 2016 the
CPI (Maoist) is one of the top most terrorist organisation in the world. This
is the high time for left parties to come together for chalk out an alternative
path for the agrarian revolution in India. This can be done by mobilising the
other forces such as adivasis, dalits,
farmers associations, trade unions, women’s groups and youth organisations for
a truly democratic revolution in the country. Revolution is not just about
armed methods it’s a fighting spirit. In the context of national and international
developments such as Arab Uprisings and the fifty years of Naxalbari
insurrection necessitates revisiting the tactics of Communist Parties of India,
including the CPI (Maoist) party to bring social change in the country.
Globally, the centenary of Russian Revolution signifies the need to look at the
constitutional methods for resolving the issues of socio-economic and political
inequality and the concerns of rights and justice to the most disadvantaged
sections of the society.

The historical continuum
of insurrection in India highlights the limitations of revolutionary methods in
facilitating the social changes to ensure equality, justice and rights. At this
critical juncture, it is important to delineate insurrection as an active constituent
of citizenship for the humane governance and politics. This calls for a human
centric politics where citizen assumes a preference over the rules of governance.
 It may be called as anthropopolitics, a
politics which evolves and expand through various insurrections from below
combining the sensitivities of human collective responses in the situation of
social disorder and political instability. This can be developed on the basis of
an anthropological, philosophical tenets of humanism. The non-revolutionary
methods, including the non- violence is critical to build a peaceful global
order. It is pertinent here to recollect the Fragile States Index, Annual
report 2017 which notes that “a long-term
commitment to peace and reconciliation, poverty reduction, and economic growth
collectively contributes to a government’s legitimization, and ultimately, the
stability of its country (p.19)”.


To contextualise
this to the specific regions in India such as Bastar of Chhattisgarh State and
Chotanagpur of Jharkhand, Jammu and Kashmir, and other adivasis dominated areas including North-Eastern region abandon the
state development as a political sovereign authority. Due to this contentious
state evolution mechanisms and processes, these regions, even now are
witnessing a variety of socio-political conflicts ranging from secession,
insurgency and insurrections. In this context, Oommen (2001: 216) notes that
the “most nations in South Asia did not ever demand sovereign states; they are
state-renouncing nations”. This does not mean that these regions do not have
states as such; they do have states of their own which differs from modern
nation-states. Archival and historical facts substantiate this observation. It
is to be noted that

“In Chhattisgarh we have primitive method of
social and political organization which was so deeply engrained in the customs
of the people. Being thus founded on a natural indigenous basis, the system was
at first in practice and in theory always very simple and at the same time very
comprehensive. In a sense we can find the embryonic beginnings of
constitutional rule (Wills, 1919:255-56)”.

the Bastar region of Chhattisgarh today is an epicenter for what is popularly
called as Naxalism or Maoism and the former Prime Minister of India Manmohan
Singh describing it as “single largest internal security problem of the
country” in 2010. The insurrectionary zeal of adivasis has been tapped by the
CPI (Maoist) party to achieve their political goal of “New Democratic
Revolution” through “protracted people’s war”. The party perceives “this
revolution is the part of world proletarian revolution, which has begun with
the Great October Revolution of Russia CPI (Maoist), 2004: 5” as a historical

requires insurrection as an active part of citizenship. What is going on in the
Central India is a fight for the issues of land rights, equality and justice. This
has to be perceived and understood from a democratic citizenship point of view by
combining the elements of human values into the political theory, thereby
enabling a way to construct a “project of democratisation based on this
insurrectionary history of citizenship (Ulbricht, 2017:116-19)”. It could be one of the ways through which various
processes underlying the non-armed revolution can be pushed further for
peaceful human advancement.